Another London conference coincided in time with the Quartet's. Spokesmen of 23 countries gathered in support of Palestinian reforms, and are no less optimistic with Palestinians willing to follow their advice for far-reaching political and economic reforms.
The world appeared no less optimistic in September 1993, when Yasser Arafat, PLO leader, and Yitzhak Rabin, Israeli Prime Minister, exchanged their first handshake in the White House lawn, Washington, D.C., quite soon after signing Oslo agreements. Current official statements closely resemble what was said at that time. However, the optimism of 1993 differs from what we see now, after Palestine elected its new leader, Mahmoud Abbas. The twelve years of Israeli-Palestinian settlement efforts have taught the world to rejoice even in small achievements. Every short break between terror acts comes as reason for enthusiasm, and jubilance sets in when negotiators say they are ready to resume talks after long bickering.
Now, Israel has consented to pull out from the Gaza Strip and evacuate four West Bank villages. The Quartet is enthusiastic, and makes only one proviso-the move is to keep within Road Map patterns, that is, be coordinated with the Palestinian side and look as progress to peace. Israel has taken just the opposite point. The Gaza pullout has nothing to do with peace efforts, it stresses. The Quartet has deliberately turned a deaf ear on such statements-no official pronouncements on that score have come from the mediators, at any rate.
Meanwhile, the situation threatens another violent outbreak in the conflict zone. Final not interim agreements with Israel, and just and lasting peacewere Mahmoud Abbas' crucial pledges to his people as he came to office. The desired peace is to liberate all Palestinian lands occupied in 1967, with East Jerusalem for Palestinian capital. The Quartet approves those demands-but the time has not come yet for Israeli-Palestinian talks on peace terms, points out Tony Blair, Great Britain's Prime Minister.
Such a time will not come soon, it appears, because the Israeli and Palestinian peace concepts directly oppose each other, while temporary compromises may lead to more violence, for instance, trigger off a second Intifada.
It's a long way to travel to compromises, for that matter. Anti-terror combat methods now make the greatest difference between Israelis and Palestinians. Mahmoud Abbas has chosen to coax Hamas and Islamic Jihad people. Israel and the United States are calling him to more resolute steps-but sanctions against Palestinians who violate the truce are the only moves he can currently afford. It is impossible for now to rout or outlaw Hamas and Islamic Jihad in Palestine-Palestinians see them as national liberation movements not terrorist gangs. Yet even an agreement with them would not come as a panacea: these and other Palestinian organizations are too badly fragmented, and some agree to an armistice as others are making war.
Israel is withstanding from the use of force, for the time being. If terror acts rage on, it will have to act tough. Vengeance will come onto its own again.
These prospects hardly offer whatever grounds for optimism. But then, if we compare current developments in the conflict zone with what was going on a mere six months ago, we shall certainly see the present situation as hopeful-and if we give up optimism altogether, whatever peace efforts in the Middle East will be pointless.
