BIZHKEK (RIA Novosti commentator Pyotr Goncharov).
- Just let us hold the election. This was essentially what acting foreign minister Roza Otunbayeva tried to say at one of the last pre-election press conferences when asked about unsettled problems in Kyrgyzstan and in relations with neighbors.
In fact, this is the common desire everywhere in Kyrgyzstan. The bulk of the people hope that the presidential election will solve the main problems, in particular unemployment, the low living standards, wages and pensions, and stubborn corruption.
But there are some who want to derail the election, calling on the people to vote for "none of the above" and claiming that the election will not be legitimate because the current government is illegitimate. It sometimes seems that nothing has changed in Kyrgyzstan after the revolution, despite the promises of its leaders.
As is seen in all spheres of social life, Kyrgyzstan is suffering from the "syndrome of previous presidency," under which the republic was hit by a sweeping civil, political, economic and social crisis despite the existence of numerous democratic (including non-governmental) organizations and multimillion U.S. injections into their development.
The leaders of the former opposition and the current government know very well that "they are sitting the test of the global community," Otunbayeva said at a press conference during her first post-revolution visit to Moscow. They are resolved to prove that they "can hold an honest presidential election and start building democracy" in the republic.
It was clear from the start that the test of democratic compatibility would be very difficult for the team of Kurmanbek Bakiyev, the current premier and the leader of the presidential race. It was also clear that his government would have to fight the opposition that would not forgive the ruling team and its leader the slightest mistake.
In addition, Bakiyev's team, though it described the March events in Kyrgyzstan as "the people's revolution," would have to work hard to earn the trust of the people. To do this, it had to solve several vital problems quickly, in particular, stabilize the situation, halt the deterioration of the economy, and prevent another Russian exodus from the country.
The Bakiyev government has apparently stabilized the situation in the republic and established ties between the central authorities and the southern regions of Kyrgyzstan, which had been a major problem for all previous regimes. Though it was settled mostly thanks to the personal authority of the Bakiyev - Kulov tandem, it is nevertheless a resounding achievement.
The turbulent demonstrations of June 17, which turned into general unrest following the speeches by the supporters of Urmat Baryktabasov, the leader of the political movement Mekenim-Kyrgyzstan, were a minor exception. In fact, no country is immune to such situations as in Kyrgyzstan.
But economic reconstruction, primarily a rise in living standards, is a much more challenging task. The Bakiyev government has nothing to be proud of in this field. The bulk of the industries that form the groundwork of the republican budget lie in ruins, though the government has a program of reviving them and this provision is included in Bakiyev's election platform.
Ethnic Russians are still leaving the republic, though the young and economically active of them say the number of possible emigrants is declining and they are optimistic about their future in Kyrgyzstan.
The public is divided over the forthcoming presidential election. Some hope for a better future and think that there is solid ground for their hopes. Others hope that the election will fail. Turnout forecasts vary from less than 50% to more than 70%.
Many experts see Prime Minister Kurmanbek Bakiyev as the most probable winner and say that upwards of 70% will vote for him.
