The president-elect will become president. This is an important event, but it can hardly be considered a point of departure for the political activity of the former deputy prime minister. Although he did not make many statements about his attitude toward the political parties and Russia's political configuration, the parties and most important political movements have expressed their attitude toward him. It appears that he has become a politician without taking any steps.
But if he takes steps now, they will be welcomed. The political barometer points to fair. As distinct from his predecessor, the weather is good at the start of his term.
United Russia, which nominated him, has a majority not only in the State Duma but also in society. The Public Opinion Fund (POF) reports that its popularity rating stands between 52%-54%. Medvedev may be sure of its full support, largely because Vladimir Putin was elected its chairman at the last congress.
But, on the other hand, United Russia's influence should not be overrated. The assumptions about the formation of the party government and the budding trend from the presidential to parliamentary republic are more in the nature of wishful thinking. Putin emphasized more than once that Russia has a presidential form of power, and that he is not inclined to choose employees by their party membership over business talents.
However, United Russia will guarantee Medvedev strong support for his political reforms, all the more so since it has adopted a centrist ideology through the formation of factions. Moreover, as Oleg Morozov, deputy secretary of the Presidium of its General Council said, the party is going to occupy not only centrist and right-wing positions, but also those on the left.
"It is possible that a social democratic party will once and for all emerge from United Russia," Morozov said.
He is not the man who makes reckless statements.
In this context, the hopes of Fair Russia to become the number two party are going up in smoke. Its opposition and "third socialism," which Sergei Mironov promised to build, evoke nothing but ironic smiles among political scientists.
Dmitry Gusev, chairman of the board of directors of the Buckster Group, expressed their common opinion: "I don't think they will achieve anything, at least for the time being." At any rate, according to POF estimates, their rating is a mere 3%, so they will not create any obstacles for Medvedev nor provide any support.
Needless to say, one more opposition member, the Liberal Democratic Party, is not expected to be against the new president. A whole package of Vladimir Zhirinovsky's loud appeals can be reduced to one short slogan, "with the Kremlin forever." So, the 7% support for the Liberal Democrats will go toward Medvedev.
We should mention the right-wing forces as a mere formality. A whole number of failures in regional and federal elections, caused by the public disenchantment with the Union of Right Forces (SPS) and Yabloko, have seriously reduced their influence in political life in the country. The rating of the former is zero, while the latter has 1% at best. But their leaders, who were so actively fighting the regime, do not rush to make any critical statements about Medvedev in the hope of establishing constructive relations with the new Kremlin administration. For now they have taken a time-out until the summer congresses.
The Democratic Party of Russia (DPR) and the Civil Force, which also have zero influence, are adhering to the same tactics. Incidentally, the latter initiated Medvedev's nomination for the presidency.
Only the Communist Party will remain his firm opponent. Its leader Gennady Zyuganov made repeated statements to this effect, but he has always left the door open to show his readiness to cooperate on some issues. But will Medvedev need such a temporary ally? Everything will depend on the public's reaction to the continued price growth. If it is not stopped, the Communists, who are quite skillful in working with voters, may substantially increase their current support of 12%. In this case, they will have to be taken into account.
And, finally, let's mention the opposition's leftovers - the United Civil Front, the People's Democratic Union, the banned National Bolsheviks, and the Movement Against Illegal Immigration (DPNI). They and a host of other dwarf parties do not represent anyone and do not offer anything. Even Irina Hakamada, once the god mother of Other Russia, had to admit that "the voters simply do not understand what the opposition offers and wants to achieve."
The dominant attitude in society is wait-and-see. The poll conducted by the POF on April 26-27 shows that Medvedev has a popularity rating of 23%. Three thousand respondents in 200 cities and villages in Russia's 63 constituent entities took part in it. This is almost half that of Putin's. But half of Russians are closely following his first steps, and their number is growing with the approach of his inauguration. According to recent POF estimates, 37% of respondents have a very favorable attitude toward Medvedev. Now only he will be able to determine the ratio of his opponents and supporters in the next several months.
The opinions expressed in this article are the author's and do not necessarily represent those of RIA Novosti.
