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MOSCOW, April 8 (RIA Novosti)
Europe does not need a color revolution in Moldova/ Belarusian president forbids his ministers to "grovel" to Russia/ Russia's space satellites to help with elections/ Gazprom buys back subsidiary's shares from Italy's Eni

Vedomosti, Kommersant

Europe does not need a color revolution in Moldova

The Moldovan opposition, which has accused the authorities of falsifying the results of Sunday's parliamentary elections, seized the buildings of the parliament and presidential administration. However, another "color" revolution is doubtful, as no external force is likely to support the claims to power by the losers.
Pertinent examples are demonstrated by Georgia and Armenia, where the opposition failed to come to power last year. The only exception, which merely confirms the contention, is Kyrgyzstan, where the "tulip revolution" succeeded in 2005 because the president, Askar Akayev, fled to Russia. The Moldovan president is unlikely to repeat his mistake.
The parliamentary election in Moldova on April 5, which the Communist Party won, did not attract the attention of the international community or provoke complaints from international observers.
The international community is trying to overcome the crisis and has no time for the pro-European opposition in Moldova. Romania, which has been severely hit by the global economic downturn, is also unlikely to welcome Moldova's pro-Romanian nationalists, who claim to be Romanians.
Unrest in Moldova was probably, in fact, provoked by the economic crisis, as the country's economy relies heavily on income from migrant workers. In 2007, money transfers from Moldovans working abroad amounted to 38% of its GDP. But now many Moldovans are returning home from Russia and Europe because of the economic downturn.
Moldovan writer Kirill Kovaldji, who was born in Bessarabia, part of which was incorporated into Ukraine in 1940, presumably in accordance with the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, says: "A solution to the Moldovan problem will depend on Russia and Europe."
"Changing borders is not a solution," he says. "A hypothetical reunification of Moldova with Romania would mean that the Transdnestr region should, in turn, become part of Russia. However, Europe may lack the strength to withstand new shocks after Kosovo, Abkhazia and South Ossetia."

RBC Daily, Gazeta

Belarusian president forbids his ministers to "grovel" to Russia

Moscow is continuing to lose influence in the former Soviet republics. Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko on Tuesday in fact showed he had given up on joint projects, including both the Union State and the Customs Union, when he ordered border control on the Russia-Belarus border to be restored.
The post-Soviet Russia seems to have nothing to attract its neighbors except oil and gas, analysts say.
The Belarusian leader, who has been playing the development of a Union State game with Moscow for the past 12 years, and had no scruples about coming over as a "brother" and asking for more money, told his ministers to stop "groveling" after Moscow denied them economic privileges and yet another 100-billion ruble loan.
"Lukashenko is truly sore about the loan refusal," said a Belarusian government source.
"Minsk has failed to raise money in the West which has generally cut economic aid to Eastern Europe. But Lukashenko still likes to be in the spotlight in Europe. He often lets slip at government meetings how life in Europe is better than in Russia," the source added.
Cornelius Ochmann from the German foundation Bertelsmann Stiftung is convinced that the European Union has assured Minsk that it was ready to resume the dialogue, therefore increasing Belarus's chances of European integration. This is certainly flattering for Lukashenko.
Andrei Suzdaltsev, global politics analyst from the Higher School of Economics, said the West convinced Lukashenko that Moscow had already lost to him, a fact to be inevitably recognized soon.
A Russian government official sounded surprised at Lukashenko's high-profile statements.
"Much work is underway to establish the Customs Union of Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan, and Belarus is actively participating in the effort. No one has discussed any borders," he said adding that the Customs Union is due to become operational in 2010.

Kommersant

Russia's space satellites to help with elections

The Central Election Commission and the Federal Space Agency plan to increase the number of Russian regions covered by the Vybory computerized vote-counting system, as well as give the Gonets satellite communications system capability to transmit voting results from Russian expatriates abroad. Experts believe the technical facilities used in Russian elections are well ahead of their political quality.
Two years ago, in the run-up to Duma elections, the Central Election Commission set up satellite communications links with seven of the most remote electoral commissions - in the Nenets and Chukotka autonomous areas, the republics of Khakassia and Altai, the Kamchatka and Zabaikalsky territories, and the Magadan Region. Now the CEC believes the number of these regions could be increased, because satellite communications in vote-counting are quicker and more cost-effective (in 55 regions, voting returns are sent from regional to territorial commissions via public telephone networks).
The Gonets system has six satellites orbiting at an altitude of 15,000 km and a ground infrastructure consisting of three regional stations. The system is a subsystem of Glonass, Russia's remote sensing system and other functional subsidiaries. This low-orbit communications system is able to pick up and transmit text messages in digital form from and to any spot on the globe.
"Since Glonass is also used by the military, we could go further and instruct the Defense Ministry to oversee the elections, too. Then we could be assured that they will be held with military precision and at high technical standards," joked Andrei Buzin, head of the Moscow inter-regional voters' association. But, he added, in addressing the technical side of elections we should not forget that they must be a politically free event, while in fact we "observe a regress here."

Gazeta.ru

Gazprom buys back subsidiary's shares from Italy's Eni

Gazprom and Eni have agreed that the Russian energy giant will buy back a 20% stake in its oil arm, Gazprom Neft, which previously belonged to Yukos, from the Italian company for $4.2 billion. Gazprom is buying the stake at a huge premium, since its current market value is 63% lower than the option price.
Analysts are unhappy about the deal, which will increase Gazprom's debts.
The Italian company acquired the 20% stake in Gazprom Neft (Sibneft) two years ago at liquidation auctions of former oil giant Yukos which was declared bankrupt in August 2006.
Analysts say Gazprom has bought the stake back because it needs to calm down Yukos shareholders. The deal will result in the liquidation of the company and therefore settle all complaints.
Natalia Milchakova, an analyst with the Otrkitie financial corporation, said: "This is not a good time for the buyback. Gazprom has paid 63% more than the market value of the stake in Gazprom Neft."
However, the gas monopoly had to do it in accordance with the option terms.
Vitaly Kryukov of the Kapital financial group said Gazprom could negotiate an extension to the option.
"The companies have good relations and could have found a compromise solution," he said. "Gazprom should have used the funds for capital expenditure. In fact, the monopoly does not need the 20% stake in Gazprom Neft now because it is controlling its subsidiary without it."
The deal is good for Gazprom's image, especially in the West, said Dmitry Baranov of the Finam investment company. "It proves that the company is as good as its word," he said.
However, the negative aspects of the deal outweigh its possible advantages. This year, Gazprom is due to pay $9.5 billion in debts.
"The holding's financial situation is not good, although it is not catastrophic either," Kryukov said. "As we see, banks are prepared to lend to Gazprom. However, it may still cut its investment program, primarily its small or long-term projects."
As of now, Gazprom's investment program stands at $26.2 billion, but analyst say it may be cut by $4 billion.
Analysts agree that Gazprom will not abandon its priority projects, such as the development of the Yamal fields in northwest Siberia.

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