Kazakhstan's President Nursultan Nazarbayev, who turns 70 on July 6, was nearly given the title Leader of the Nation as a present. The relevant bill was drafted and quickly approved by the parliament, but the president declined the honor.
Nazarbayev has led Kazakhstan for the past 20 years, and during that time he has thwarted every attempt to turn him into a leader reminiscent of the late president of Turkmenistan, Saparmurat Niyazov (1940-2006), who had bestowed the title of Turkmenbashi (Leader of All Turkmens) on himself.
Nazarbayev has no need for lavish Oriental titles, monuments to himself, or streets, squares and cities named in his honor. This is because he is a true leader, the father of his nation and the "king, god and military leader" of Kazakhstan.
In July 2000, the Kazakh parliament approved the constitutional law On the First President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, which expressly states that, owing to his historic mission, the first president of the republic has the lifetime right to propose initiatives to the people of Kazakhstan, government bodies and officials regarding critical issues of domestic and foreign policy, national security and building the state, and that such initiatives must be considered by the relevant government bodies and officials.
Moreover, Nazarbayev heads the ruling Nur Otan (Light of the Homeland) party, which has complete control over the lower house of parliament. There are a few independent deputies but no real opposition. And, finally, there is legislation on the books that virtually guarantees him immunity and a lifetime term. But Nazarbayev has rejected the idea of becoming a lifetime president, even though he faces no legal term limits. Such monarchist extremes are not his style.
There can be no doubt that Nazarbayev has created an authoritarian regime in Kazakhstan. But, in reality, he had no viable alternative. The region lacked even the most basic pre-requisites for a Western-style democracy. The current upheaval in Kyrgyzstan illustrates the consequences of even the slightest liberal leanings.
The situation in Kazakhstan has not always been stable and peaceful, because the Kazakhs themselves - and especially young Kazakhs - are a temperamental people.
In December 1986, Kazakh youth staged the Jeltoqsan riots in Alma-Ata (present day Almaty), the capital of the Soviet republic of Kazakhstan, in response to Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev's dismissal of Dinmukhamed Konayev, the First Secretary of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan and an ethnic Kazakh, who was subsequently replaced by Gennady Kolbin, an outsider from Russia.
Nazarbayev replaced Kolbin in 1989 and began to steadily consolidate power as the Soviet Union headed toward collapse. Nazarbayev also moved to shore up his own power and to build up a Kazakh state. Following Gorbachev's lead, he resigned as First Secretary of the Kazakh Communist Party's Central Committee and was subsequently elected Supreme Soviet Speaker and President. But Nazarbayev did not rush headlong toward independence from the Soviet Union; rather, he focused on responding decisively to the challenges of those times.
After the Belovezhskaya Pushcha agreements were signed in December 1991, formalizing the break-up of the Soviet Union, Nazarbayev became one of the main proponents and architects of the Commonwealth of Independent States. He realized that his republic was not yet ready for independence. It is not in Nazarbayev's nature to make abrupt and unexpected changes. He prefers a smooth but sustained path to development.
He has gained a reputation for his calm, moderate and perhaps even enlightened authoritarianism. The great Russian poet Alexander Pushkin's famous phrase, "The government is the only European," suits Nazarbayev and his state. But in this case, it's more than just a metaphor, as Kazakhstan currently holds the rotating chairmanship in the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE).
Nazarbayev is very serious about honoring his commitments to Europe, and this reinforces his natural propensity toward moderation and caution, despite the fact that his power in Kazakhstan is virtually unlimited. True, a president cannot neglect his country's reputation in the world, but Nazarbayev does not rule responsibly for appearance's sake alone. The president of Kazakhstan is a rather sophisticated man, and he stands out among other Asian leaders.
Professional flatterers like to compare Nazarbayev with great statesmen of the past, including Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the founder of the Turkish republic, and with good cause. The president of Kazakhstan also has to build a modern state on the remnants of an empire, although unlike Ataturk he did not have to wage a war first.
Or consider Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew, a proponent of authoritarian modernization and a tamer of the so-called "economic tigers." Nazarbayev has the chance to join their ranks, provided that he has the strength, determination and time.
Nazarbayev has already proved himself as an outstanding politician and diplomat. Kazakhstan maintains good and stable relations with both Moscow and Beijing. The Pope and Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad alike pay official visits to the republic. However, this does not prevent Nazarbayev from maintaining close and long-standing contacts with the United States and NATO. Nazarbayev has not quarreled with anyone in the past 20 years, and he is respected and valued as a partner by various - and sometimes irreconcilable - statesmen. He enjoys considerable authority on the international stage, interacting with representatives of the global elite as equals.
This is rather surprising, when you consider that Nazarbayev was born to a peasant family and was employed as a factory worker before getting involved in the Soviet Communist Party's district and regional committees. From there, he moved up to the republic's Council of Ministers and finally the Kazakh Communist Party's Central Committee. Nazarbayev, a man of unique talents, has managed to build one of the most stable post-Soviet states, and he rules it with confidence.
The authoritarian model of governing has one inherent drawback. The leader becomes irreplaceable, and succession inevitably becomes a problem. Too much depends on the leader's personality in an authoritarian system. Although Nazarbayev still has no intention of stepping down, he will eventually have to appoint a trustworthy successor.
Power is often handed down to successors in Asian countries, even democratic India. But Nazarbayev has three daughters, and Rakhat Aliyev, the ex-husband of his eldest daughter, Dariga, who at one time started building a successful career, has sided with the opposition, left the country and is now living abroad.
There is no obvious successor in Kazakhstan, and that is to be expected. After all, born leaders like Nursultan Nazarbayev are rare indeed.
The opinions expressed in this article are the author's and do not necessarily represent those of RIA Novosti.
MOSCOW. (RIA Novosti political commentator Nikolai Troitsky)
