Vedomosti.ru
U.S. Congress unlikely to lift Jackson-Vanik amendment
Presidents Dmitry Medvedev and Barack Obama summed up the results of U.S.-Russian cooperation at a meeting during the APEC summit in Honolulu.
At what could be their last meeting as presidents, Obama recalled how they had launched the reset policy, overcome the consequences of the war in Georgia, signed a new START arms limitation treaty and ensured the adoption of sanctions against Iran and the transit of military cargo to Afghanistan. Medvedev thanked him for facilitating Russia’s WTO accession. “We have trust, which is invaluable for addressing many issues,” the Russian president said, hinting at the last remaining major issue – the Jackson-Vanik amendment.
The APEC summit organizers did their best to highlight the good rapport between the two leaders. Medvedev paid a home visit to the president of Punahou School – from which Obama graduated in 1979. He greeted the media according to local custom, while Obama asked journalists if they had managed to get pictures of Medvedev “in a Hawaiian shirt, walking and enjoying the good weather.” However, a Russian official told Vedomosti the two leaders did not seem in particularly ebullient mood, smiling only rarely.
He explained this by pointing to several events that have hampered the reset policy this year. The U.S. establishment sharply criticized Obama, who plans to run for re-election in 2012, for relying on Medvedev, who is not running for president, instead opting to become the United Russia party’s leader. Medvedev’s team believes this chain of unfavorable events was triggered by the Russian president’s decision to sign the UN Security Council resolution on Libya. NATO used this as the basis for launching a military operation, provoking stern words from Moscow. A federal official earlier told Vedomosti that the decision, taken counter to Vladimir Putin’s recommendations, was what convinced the prime minister that he should run for presidency.
Against that background, the future of the Jackson-Vanik amendment, which Russia thought would be automatically lifted upon its WTO accession, remains unclear, a source in the Russian delegation said. Moscow has been trying to influence Congress through its partners in the U.S. business community, but American lawmakers staunchly oppose lifting the amendment. Obama himself has scant time for this issue as U.S. company losses have been minimal.
However, a source close to the Russian Foreign Ministry said Putin has hinted through his intermediaries that the reset policy will be continued and cooperation on human rights may even expand. Medvedev’s aide Arkady Dvorkovich said the president had assured U.S. business leaders ahead of his meeting with Obama that Russia would continue to follow the same policy regarding the United States.
Putin and Obama will meet in May 2012 at the NATO and G20 summits, which are to be held in Chicago, a Russian delegate said.
Kommersant
PACE observers report weak improvement in Russia’s election procedure
A Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe pre-electoral delegation expressed concerns about the “playing field not being level” after meeting with political parties and civil society representatives in Moscow.
Although delegation head Tiny Kox noted “significant changes” in Russia’s political system since 2007, such as improved media access for competing parties, the improvements only benefit registered parties. Others face a cumbersome registration procedure and a high eligibility barrier to parliament.
Some of those Kox spoke with also expressed concern that election results might be manipulated and complained about the ruling party, United Russia, leaning too heavily on its administrative resources.
The boundaries between the United Russia party and the government often blur, said PACE monitor Marietta de Pourbaix-Lundin, citing as an example the Moscow City Election Commission billboards urging voters to go to the polls, which look virtually identical to United Russia posters. The Central
Election Commission is studying complaints from the Communist Party and blogger Oleg Kozyrev. In fact a CEC spokesperson earlier argued that these posters were not in violation of any law.
In 2007-2008, the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights refused to send observer teams because of CEC-imposed restrictions.
This year, Russia reached agreement with the new ODIHR head, insisting on the number of observers being cut to 200 from 260.
Last Tuesday, CEC head Vladimir Churov cancelled his planned meeting with PACE monitors giving no reason.
PACE will send 40 observers for a brief monitoring period. Kox could not say which regions the mission will visit. The observers will present their reports after December 4, and PACE will consider them in January. ODIHR observers will monitor elections in 25 regions including Moscow, the Moscow and Kemerovo regions, as well as three republics – Bashkortostan, Tatarstan and Udmurtia. They do not plan to visit the North Caucasus.
Sergei Obukhov, a Communist lower house member, believes that international observers at least keep the government from blatant electoral fraud because the elite are only here to make money, while their children and bank accounts are in Europe. “All regions fight to have an observer, at least for a short period, because his or her presence is at least a small guarantee against lawlessness,” he said.
In 2007, PACE observers criticized the elections in Russia. “These observers also travel to Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan, and say their elections are not legitimate. So what?” asked Galina Mikhalyova, a Yabloko party official.
The PACE and ODIHR teams will be balanced by other “pseudo-observers” from organizations friendly with the Russian government, said Andrei Buzin, chairman of the Interregional Association of Voters.
“They hold elections to make Russia look like a democracy for the West,” said Stanislav Belkovsky, head of the National Strategy Institute think tank. Giving certain opposition parties access to the media has not changed anything, because they are not allowed to criticize Putin or Medvedev, raise the Caucasus issue or high-profile corruption cases.
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