Commenting on Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s European tour, Western media outlets mentioned that the official had not included London or Brussels in his schedule, and suggested that the People's Republic's relations with The Old Continent are deteriorating in the aftermath of the COVID pandemic. The Diplomat noted that the trip had "decidedly mixed results"; The Guardian referred to EU member states' criticism over alleged human rights violations in Hong Kong and Xinjiang; while The Irish Times opined that the bloc has seemingly adopted a "more realistic and assertive" stance towards Beijing, citing EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell's May op-ed titled "Time to reset Europe’s relationship with China".
What Was Behind Wang's Visit to Five EU States
"The mainstream media are, as far too often, constructing the narrative that pleases the financial oligarchs paying their bills," says Karel Vereycken, a journalist and vice-president of Solidarite & Progres, a French political party founded by Jacques Cheminade. "In reality, despite the media throwing human rights 'confetti' in his path, Foreign Affairs Minister Wang Yi’s trip was quite a success."
The politician explains that Wang's decision not to make a stop in London is quite understandable, given UK Prime Minister Johnson's Huawei 5G ban. As for Brussels, it was not because the Chinese official wanted to avoid the EU capital, "but because, through personal meetings in member states, he wanted to thoroughly prepare the upcoming EU-Xi Jinping video summit meeting of 14 September," Vereycken observes.
Wang had good reason to embark on a diplomatic mission to the five European countries, according to the politician:
· First, China's direct investment in Italy has exceeded $10 billion dollars, while there are over 6,000 Italian investment projects in the People's Republic.
· Second, relations between China and Norway, a country very advanced in the research and development of issues such as seafood and healthcare, and a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council, returned to normal.
· Third, the world class ports of the Netherlands, both Rotterdam and Amsterdam, have showed great interest in being part of China’s proposed “fast track” on the Maritime Silk Road.
· Fourth, in France, Wang Yi first had an in depth discussion with Macron and his diplomatic advisor at the Elysée; he also met with former PM Laurent Fabius, who is currently heading France’s Constitutional Council, and his French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian.
· Fifth, Germany is still sticking to its decision not to ban China's Huawei equipment despite mounting pressure from the US.
Bringing the focus to Chinese-French relation,s Vereycken emphasises that both Paris and Beijing pledged to act in unison on climate and the Iran nuclear deal, and committed themselves, as strongly suggested by the World Health Organization (WHO), to eventually introduce vaccine against COVID-19.
"Alleviating the debt burden of African nations hit severely by the economic consequences of the COVID-19 crisis was another common objective," the journalist underscores. "Despite US pressure, Macron also expressed hope that China would conclude the acquisition from France of a nuclear waste reprocessing facility, a technology where France is still a world leader. [Additionally] Macron said that while he would support European companies, Huawei was not banned from the [French] market."
Europeans are growing weary of the US trade and political diktat, according to Vereycken: the politician describes how the Dutch, "who cherish free-trade as a second divinity" were prevented from selling a giant $150 million photolithography machine to China capable of producing semiconductor chips for the US and European electronics industry. He notes that this particular deal was shelved while some European countries delayed their final decisions on Huawei for up to eight years, "just enough time to watch the next two US presidential elections".
China's Market Looks Especially Promising in the Post-COVID Era
The EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) is yet another important topic of consideration for the People's Republic and the European bloc. The negotiations started in January 2014 and are expected to bear fruit by the end of this year. The next EU-China virtual summit on the matter is due to kick off on 17 September.
While the Guardian says that the talks are deadlocked and the EU's "patience is wearing thin with the unfulfilled promise of equal access to China’s market", the rhetoric is one thing, and the reality is another, Vereycken points out. According to him, European companies are unlikely to leave the Chinese market, which shows clear signs of revival while others remain engulfed by the COVID-related recession.
"China’s GDP, after a drop, returned to a 3.2% increase, while the US GDP, over the same period (second term of 2020), dropped by an historic 32.9%", the politician says. "So many Western companies are willing to invest in China. Many people realize that decoupling from China is tantamount to decoupling from the world. They prefer a Chinese lifeboat to a 'Whiskey on the rocks' on the Titanic. Therefore, the EU countries are and will continue turning increasingly to China as a strategic partner rather than a rival or an enemy".
Why EU & China Need to Speed Up Inking of CAI
The upcoming US presidential election poses a specific challenge to European countries, the French politician believes:
"At this juncture, there exists a historic 'window of opportunity' to conclude, before the end of this year, a EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment, which both sides desire."
He explains that this time frame is critical because:
· First, Angela Merkel will end her mandate as Germany's chancellor next year and her potential successors appear to have a far less friendly policy towards China.
· Second, if Joe Biden and Kamala Harris win the US presidential electionsb the American foreign policy establishment is likely to exert further pressure on Europe and proceed with the Obama-era Pivot to Asia strategy, which would make it much more difficult for Beijing to find openness among partners in Europe and elsewhere.
Despite the incumbent US president's harsh rhetoric and heavy restrictions imposed on China's high-tech sector, a chance exists that Washington and Beijing can re-set relations under Trump if he wins his re-election bid, Vereycken suggests. In this case, Europe, China and the US may find more room for manoeuvre, which could possibly pave the way for fruitful collaboration, according to the politician.
